Deployed

dsc01218Tablet, March 11, 2011

On a Friday night, Filipino congregants are praying in a tiny, unmarked church tucked off a nameless alley in south Tel Aviv. The church is one room, with wood laminate floors and plastic chairs. Burgundy banners read “Elohim” and “Yahweh” in Roman letters. A Star of David made of spoons hangs in the window that looks out over the Neve Sha’anan neighborhood, four floors below.

The congregants are evangelical Christians—a group that is sometimes referred to in the Philippines as “charismatics”—and their love for both the Bible and the Jewish people inspires them to use bits of Judaism in their services. About a year and a half ago, the church was raided by Israeli immigration authorities. Standing here, I try to imagine police swarming the place. But the service is so peaceful, the praying so earnest, that I can’t imagine anything but this.

The pastora of the church, who asked that her name not be used, to protect the privacy of her congregants, stands at the clear acrylic pulpit, which also holds a menorah and kiddush cup. A guitarist, keyboardist, drummer, and an Israeli flag are behind her. Her eyes are closed, her face tipped up. She pushes her hands to her heart as she leads the group in song: “We worship you,” the congregation sings. Then the music slows, softens, and stops. Someone blows a shofar. The congregants cry out to God in Hebrew.

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House evictions forge new alliances in Israel

dsc03488Al Jazeera English, March 11, 2011

Yafit Cohen is a wife and mother of four – her youngest child is just a few months old. Cohen makes her way up the stairs, slowly, easing her baby carriage around a gaping hole. “Watch out,” she says to me.

I look down. I can easily imagine her 8-year-old son, a talkative little boy who has raced ahead, falling through. I gasp at the thought.

“I know. It’s dangerous,” Cohen says, adding: “And it’s not legal.”

Cohen, a Jewish Israeli, lives in low-income, subsidised housing. Worried that her children, or those of her Palestinian neighbours, could be injured or killed, she has asked the state to fix the stairs. They have not.

What the state is working on, however, is making Cohen and her family homeless. The housing authority wants to put Cohen, her husband, their four children, her brother-in-law and niece – “eight souls,” as she says – on the street.

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Xenophobia in Tel Aviv

dsc02822Guernica, March 8, 2011

This morning, I woke to the news that a woman had been stabbed to death in South Tel Aviv. Two men—dubbed migrant workers by the Hebrew press, but referred to as “African descent” in the English-language media, suggesting they were probably asylum seekers—were briefly held under suspicion for the crime. They were interrogated and released without being charged.

The story hit me on many levels: I used to live in South Tel Aviv, an impoverished area that is home to migrant workers, African refugees, and poor Jews. During my time there, I volunteered in a black market Filipino kindergarten. I developed a deep attachment for the “foreign” community. I put quotes around the word “foreign” because, as cliché as it might be to say this, I quickly realized that migrant workers and African refugees aren’t foreign at all. I have never met anyone, anywhere in the world, that I have been unable to connect with on some basic level, even if I don’t agree with their politics or decisions.

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“We don’t have another country”

dsc00262Al Jazeera English, March 7, 2011

Last week, as Israeli president Shimon Peres was calling a South Tel Aviv school to congratulate it for its role in Oscar-winning documentary, the state was preparing to expel 120 of the school’s students, including a twelve-year-old girl who starred in the film.

“Strangers No More” was produced and directed by American filmmakers Karen Goodman and Kirk Simon. The film focuses on South Tel Aviv’s Bialik-Rogozin school, which is attended by children of African refugees and migrant workers. The film side-steps the subject of deportation and focuses, instead, on the story of three kids who adjust, successfully, to life in Israel.

Despite the fact that the film is American-made, Israelis have widely celebrated the Oscar win as their own.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs—the government body that, amongst other duties, actively promotes a positive image of Israel—was quick to add a congratulatory headline to its website. And Israeli president Shimon Peres called Bialik-Rogozin’s principal, Karen Tal, to remark that the school “had cast a beam of light on the country’s humanity.”

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Israel preparing to deport star of Oscar winning documentary “Strangers No More”

dsc00193 Mondoweiss, February 28, 2011

The Huffington Post, February 28, 2011

It’s big news here in Israel that “Strangers No More“– a documentary film that focuses on a South Tel Aviv school attended by zarim, Hebrew for foreigners or strangers–has won an Oscar.

“Thank you most of all to the exceptional immigrant and refugee children from 48 countries at Tel Aviv’s remarkable Bialik Rogozin school,” Karen Goodman, co-producer and co-director said in her acceptance speech. “You’ve shown us that through education, understanding, and tolerance, peace really is possible.”

So what is the Israeli government showing us by planning a mass expulsion of such children? Understanding and tolerance won’t be found here. (And you’d better look somewhere else for peace, too).

After a five month delay (the expulsion was scheduled to begin in October 2010), which followed a year-long battle over the matter, the deportation of 400 children and their parents is scheduled to begin on Sunday–just a week after “Strangers No More” won an Oscar. Just a week after a crowd in the US applauded the touching story of foreigners who find a home here in Israel. Just a week after the Israeli media runs its hip-hip-hooray! reports of the win, the Oz Unit will start rounding such kids up.

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Golan residents recall their Tahrir

dsc03220Al Jazeera English, February 25, 2011

Siham Monder was 14 when Syrian residents of the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights took to the streets for a strike and protests that spanned six solid months of 1982.

“Now I’m 43,” Monder says. “And I remember that every day in that period there was a conflict with the [Israeli army]. There were more soldiers here than residents.”

While the Israeli military occupation of the Golan began after the 1967 war, the strike and protests started on February 14, 1982, two months after the Israeli Knesset passed the Golan Heights Law, legislation that effectively annexed the territory.

The Israeli move was condemned by both the United States and the United Nations—the latter has issued multiple resolutions against the annexation—and it remains unrecognized by the international community.

Here, in the Golan, the annexation was embodied by the army’s effort to distribute blue Israeli identity cards. In 1982, some 15,000 soldiers came to deliver the IDs to Syrian residents, a group that numbered less than 10,000 at the time.

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The death of Israeli democracy

dsc03139Al Jazeera English, February 6, 2011

As Egyptians take to the streets to demand their freedom, I ask a Muslim in Yafo if we’ll see the same in Israel. “I don’t think so,” he answers. “Even with all the mess here, we have democracy.”

Do we? And for how much longer?

As we speak, the Knesset is debating one of a slew of anti-democratic bills. Some of the legislation targets Palestinian citizens of Israel—people like this man and his wife, a petite woman who is quick to offer me coffee and her opinions.

If the Admissions Committee law passes, for example, this young couple and their three children could find themselves barred from living in certain communities and villages, even those built on public land.

If the Nakba Bill is approved, organizations that commemorate the 1948 expulsion of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians will be ineligible for public funds. This is a “watered down” version of the bill. The original version sought to imprison anyone who publicly marked the Nakba Day.

Other legislation aims to silence individuals and groups that criticize the government.

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Israel braces for “new Middle East”

egyptprotests1Al Jazeera English, January 31, 2011

As massive protests rocked neighboring Egypt, the Sunday edition of a popular Hebrew-language daily announced the arrival of “the New Middle East.” While most Israelis aren’t ready to make such bold claims, they’re keeping a close eye on Egypt, watching with a mixture of excitement, admiration, uncertainty, and fear.

It’s widely understood here that a change of guard in Egypt could bring about a seismic shift in regional politics—and some worry that this might upend the uneasy peace between Israel and Egypt, never mind the treaty that the two signed in 1979—so it’s unsurprising that few Israelis are indifferent. But interviews revealed something shocking: some Jewish Israelis, fed up with the stalled peace process and frustrated with the status quo, said that they hope to see an uprising similar to Egypt’s sweep their own country.

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“Don’t take our girls”

palestinian_refugees

Al Jazeera English, January 29, 2011

Not long after religious nationalists held a rally in Bat Yam under the banner of “Jewish girls for the Jewish people,” a group of rabbis’ wives published a letter urging Jewish women not to date Arab men.

Jewish-Palestinian couples remain uncommon here in Israel. But both the rally and letter point towards the difficulties faced by such couples, even those from liberal backgrounds.

Rona, a young professional Jewish woman in her early thirties who asked to be identified by a pseudonym, has kept her relationship with a Palestinian man a secret from most of her relatives for almost four years.

While her parents know and have met Rona’s boyfriend, Rona says that it’s at point that she’s “actively lying” to the rest of her family.

“I don’t know how to articulate how they’d react,” Rona says. “I think that my aunt and uncle know that there is someone… and they definitely know that he’s Arab. But it’s more about my grandmother and her sisters and the older generation. It’s like if [I] were to bring home a mass murderer.”

She laughs nervously and continues.

“It just doesn’t happen. It’s like: ‘Bring home somebody who is a total loser, but don’t bring home an Arab.’”

Rona describes her parents’ political views as “moving more left but kind of traditional,” adding, “My mom always says that she thinks that the occupation of Gaza and the West Bank in 1967 was a mistake and that [Israel] should have returned the territories.”

Still, Rona didn’t tell her parents about her relationship right away.

“There was a period of time I was hiding it for convenience’s sake. I just wanted to enjoy my life and not be harassed.”

When she did talk to her parents about her boyfriend, who is a non-practicing Muslim, they sidestepped the issue of his race, focusing, instead, on “cultural differences.”

“I was like, ‘What are you saying? That he’s going to come home one day and want me to put on a hijab? Do you know what the cultural differences are?’” Rona recalls. “So I took immediate offense to this concept. I thought it was racist from the get go.”

Her parents also objected to the relationship because “it would be so difficult for us to live here together,” Rona says, due to the widespread discrimination they would face.

Rona describes the first time her parents met her boyfriend as “awkward.”

“I think it was actually their first personal interaction with an Arab, other than [those working in] stores and restaurants,” Rona says. “I think it was a very emotional encounter for them. They liked him and my mom said he seemed like an amazing guy.”

Still, Rona’s mother insisted that she not put herself “in that kind of a situation.”

Rona says that she has not felt any racism coming from her boyfriend’s family. But, because of the political situation, there are moments when she feels a divide between them.

Rona was living with her boyfriend when Operation Cast Lead began in December of 2008. Her boyfriend’s mother, whose sister lives in the Gaza Strip, happened to be visiting when the war began.

“We were watching the news and they were showing the first strikes, the air attack,” Rona recalls. “His mom was screaming and crying and cursing the army and the Israelis and the Jews and everyone and I was standing there like ‘I don’t know what to do.’ On the one hand, I wanted to show her that I care. On the other, does she now want an Israeli Jew to put her arm around her? But I did.”

***

Although Israel’s religious nationalists have only recently spoken against such relationships, they are far from new. Jews and Arabs have been falling in love in Palestine as long as both have been here.

Dr. Iris Agmon, a professor in Ben Gurion University’s Department of Middle East Studies, comments, “In the Ottoman sharia court records one can find women whose nicknames hint to the fact that they are converted Muslims.” And some of these women were probably Jewish.

After Ottoman rule ended, the British Mandate saw such couples. Dr. Deborah Bernstein, a professor in the University of Haifa’s department of sociology and anthropology comments that although there is no “systematic documentation or even discussion of the subject… it is clear that such a phenomena did exist.” She found family stories of these couples while researching her Hebrew-language book about women in Mandatory Tel Aviv.

Bernstein also discovered “archival welfare documents,” pointing to such relationships. “For example, [one referred to] a [Jewish] woman leaving her husband and children and going to live with an Arab man.”

In most cases, Bernstein says, Jewish women converted to Islam before marrying their Arab partner. She believes that a majority of these couples left Israel when it was established in 1948.

Bernstein did not come across any examples of Jewish men marrying Christian Arab or Muslim Arab women.

Bernstein adds that the Jewish community was “very strongly opposed” to “mixed marriages.”

“This was the case in [Jewish immigrants’] countries of origin,” Bernstein says, explaining that the opposition to mixed marriages took on an “additional national element” here.

But, sometimes, protests against such relationships ran the other way—leaving a lasting impact on generations to come.

The Palestinian grandson of such a marriage lives in a neighboring Arab country. According to Jewish religious law, he is not Jewish. While, technically, many of his cousins are Jewish, they don’t know it—their grandmother’s conversion is a strictly-guarded secret, shared with only a few members of the family.

***

Because it remains an extremely sensitive issue for both communities, a number of Jewish-Palestinian couples declined Al Jazeera’s requests for interviews. Several were so concerned about their family reactions, they have not told their parents about their Jewish or Arab partner—one such couple has been together for over a year.

But Alex and Salma are lucky. Alex is the son of Jewish Israeli leftists. Salma is a young Palestinian woman whose Communist parents raised her and her four sisters with only a nod to their Christian roots. Because their families are so progressive, Alex says, their relationship is “relatively simple.”

“The first song I learned to sing was shir l’shalom [song for peace]. We’ve gone to demonstrations since I was a toddler. So I was always on the left,” he explains, “but I never knew any Palestinians.”

Alex’s comment points to the deep divisions in Israeli society that make Jewish-Palestinian relationships so unlikely.

“[Society] is built in a way that doesn’t help relationships,” Salma says. “Everything is segregated. The educational systems are separated… People don’t meet. And if they do meet, they meet under unusual circumstances, like at a demonstration.”

Even though both Alex and Salma grew up in liberal homes, the two were no exception—it was activism that brought them together.

And it helps keep them together. Most of their friends hold similar political views, providing a buffer from the rest of Israeli society.

“You know, we sort of chose our lives,” Salma says. “I can’t be friends with racist people so it’s easy to avoid. But I think if we would have gone out to more parties we would have faced more problems.”

Still, things are only “relatively simple.”

Alex recalls running into a friend from high school who made a racist and obscene remark about his relationship with Salma. And one of Salma’s closest childhood friends ended stopped speaking to Salma when she joined a Jewish-Arab group that advocates for a bi-national solution to the conflict.

“I think it comes out more than that,” Alex adds.

Salma nods and explains begins to explain, “I have one sister who got married last summer. She knows Alex and his family very well, so she wanted to invite [them]…”

Salma pauses and, a bit like an old married couple, Alex picks up the thread and continues, “And the oldest sister says, ‘What are you going to invite all of your Zionist friends?’”

There’s a flicker of hurt on Alex’s face as he remembers. “Now, this comes out of nowhere. I refused [mandatory military service],” Alex says. “I’m definitely not a Zionist. I refused and my parents aren’t Zionists.”

Alex emphasizes that he maintains a warm relationship with Salma’s oldest sister and that her remark came during an emotional argument. But, Alex says, the incident pointed to something that “can’t be completely erased… that the relationship can’t be normalized. It always has to be politically justified.”

What do such tensions say about Israeli society?

“Nothing good,” Alex answers.

The couple is also concerned about the recent outbreak of open racism in Israel.

“I think the hatred is becoming more and more explicit,” Salma says, pointing to the rally in Bat Yam and the rabbis’ wives’ letter as two examples. “It’s ‘don’t take our girls’…”

*Palestinian refugees in 1948. Could one of the women in this photo been a Jewish convert to Islam?

Do the Palestine Papers help the PA?

the-palestine-papers-010Maan News Agency, January 27, 2011

The Huffington Post, January 28, 2011

Earlier this week, Al Jazeera revealed the Palestine Papers — 1,600 internal documents that give a behind-the-scenes look at Israeli-Palestinian negotiations.

Since then, Middle East analysts, observers, and op-ed writers have been talking about the usual doomsday scenarios: the collapse of the peace process, a Hamas takeover of the West Bank, war, or a bi-national, one-state solution.

Of course, no one can predict the future. What we can discuss is possible outcomes:

First, the so-called collapse of the so-called peace process — this happened a long time ago. The Palestine Papers just confirm what any man on the street in Tel Aviv or Ramallah could have told you.

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