Refugees: “Let us work to survive”

dsc09409Al Jazeera English, May 1, 2010

Traffic came to a stop in the center of Tel Aviv on Friday as hundreds took to the streets for May Day.

African refugees were amongst them. They carried hand-painted signs reading “Refugees’ rights now” and “Let us work to survive” in bold, red letters.

Their words point to a political environment that is increasingly hostile to asylum seekers.

Israel is home to some 20,000 African refugees. About half come from Eritrea, a country gripped by a brutal dictatorship. More than a third escaped civil war and genocide in Sudan. But Israel has granted asylum status to less than 200 since its 1948 establishment, which came in the wake of the Holocaust.

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Urban sanctuaries

dsc09026The Jerusalem Post, April 30, 2010
The National, May 17, 2010

Nearly half of Ruby Austria’s 150 congregants have disappeared since the Oz Unit, a strong arm of the immigration police, took to the streets in July. Thousands of foreign workers have left the country out of fear. Hundreds have been deported.

In recent months, many churches that minister to migrant laborers have seen their numbers grow so thin that they’ve been forced to close. But Austria is busier than ever. She receives a constant stream of congregants worried about Israel’s plan to expel some 1200 minors, along with their parents, at the end of the school year.

Austria, who also runs a kindergarten for children of foreign workers, often finds herself consoling mothers and fathers when they pick up their kids. “They come to me and cry—what will happen, what will be? The mothers have fear all the time, the [sense of] being threatened,” she says. “The moms are harassed and interrogated. [The Oz Unit] takes them in the [police] van and drives them around.”

“Even if you don’t tell the children, they feel what the mother feels,” Austria continues. “When the Oz Unit first came, the children were crying all the time, some weren’t eating, some stopped speaking. They were very fearful. It was very hard…”

Austria says that it’s important to her to “be strong” for the families who need support right now. But it’s hard. Austria, 36, is also an illegal resident. She, along with her husband and their seven-year-old daughter, faces deportation to the Philippines.

Austria, who holds a college degree in nursing, arrived in Israel 13 years ago to work as a caregiver. Her employer died and her visa ended in 2002, just before a major wave of arrests and expulsions began. Israel targeted men, in hopes of encouraging families to return to their countries of origin. Husbands and male pastors were deported; giving rise to single moms and women at the pulpit.

The difficulties facing the community were inspiration for Austria to become a pastor. Despite her illegal status, she began attending the Bible Institute of Jerusalem and, after completing her studies, was ordained as a minister.

Austria isn’t your typical Christian pastor, however. Her approach to religion is deeply informed by Judaism. Austria’s pulpit is adorned with a hannukiah. She dons silver earrings of a menorah and a fish, a symbol of Christianity, joined together by a Star of David. She touches the jewelry and says, “This means that the Jew and the Christian are one.”

Austria incorporates Hebrew into her services, makes Kiddush, and lights Shabbat candles. And some members of her congregation wear talit during prayers. It helps them “feel the presence of God,” Austria explains.

As is true of many Christians, particularly Filipinos, Austria feels a strong connection to Israel. “We have one God, because we [Christians] also believe in the [Old Testament]. We thank you—thank Israel—for giving us the Bible. If not, we would still be worshipping the stars, the woods, the sun,” she says.

But when she considers the way the government treats migrant laborers, she is fraught with “great friction, emotionally.”

Today, Israel is home to approximately 300,000 migrant laborers, primarily from the Philippines, Thailand, China, India, Nepal, and Sri Lanka, with the Filipino community making up the largest group. It is estimated that 250,000 of the workers are illegal. A majority arrived legally but became illegal after overstaying or losing their visas.

Due to the plans to deport Israeli-born children, the current crackdown has drawn tremendous criticism. And, pointing to Prime Minister Netanyahu’s claims that foreign workers threaten the Jewish character of the state, some observers have called the campaign racist.

Sabine Haddad, spokesperson for the Ministry of the Interior, denied that moves against migrant laborers are related to preserving the Jewish character of the state. “There is no problem with legal workers,” she said. The Oz Unit is simply trying to enforce the law. “Our unit is doing what the government says.”

Haddad emphasized that the Oz Unit is not currently arresting or deporting children or their parents. A special committee is convening to consider the deportation of families, Haddad said. If the plan is finalized, it represents a move against illegal residents, not against children, parents, or foreign workers in general.

Speaking to The Jerusalem Post recently, Tamar Shwartz of the NGO Mesila—Aid and Information Center for the Foreign Community—remarked that recent events have “threatened the social network” of migrant laborers and refugees.

While children have been particularly affected by the crackdown, Shwartz said the whole community “is very much weakened by the activities of the immigration police…. Everything that makes this community strong is a blessing.”

In the midst of the crisis, Austria offers weekend services as well as impromptu prayer sessions. When the church is occupied by the kindergarten, Austria ministers upstairs on the roof. “Almost every day, there are men and women stopping by to pray,” she says. “Almost every day, my cell phone is full of text and [voicemail]. What do the messages say? “Please pray for me.”

When someone is in urgent need of spiritual guidance, Austria grabs child-sized chairs from the gan and heads to the roof, an urban sanctuary. Although it’s close to the Central Bus Station, it’s quiet and still up here.
But sometimes, the Oz Unit is in sight below.

Austria’s church is not always a safe haven. About a year ago immigration police showed up, without a warrant. “They thought I was hiding someone here,” she says. “They searched all the rooms and the roof.” The police also threatened to shut down her kindergarten.

In December, the Oz Unit conducted a similar raid on a South Tel Aviv church popular with African asylum seekers—despite the fact that protocol forbids immigration police from entering houses of worship.

Still, the women pastors see the church as a place to hit back.

On a recent weeknight, a large group of foreign workers and African refugees gathered in Christ the Redeemer Assembly, where Filipina Marife Adriano is a pastor. But they weren’t there for a sermon. Congregants were participating in a seminar titled “Know your Rights,” which included speakers from local human rights organizations.

Sitting in the audience, Adriano, 38, remarks, “Church is also a way to help people, to communicate… We can organize something for [migrant laborers and asylum seekers], give counseling to the people.” She estimates that since the Oz Unit has begun its work, however, about half of the ministries frequented by foreign workers have closed.

But Adriano’s work is not only in the church. “It’s also outside. If people have questions, hear rumors, they are calling.” In turn, Adriano contacts NGOs and does her best to get more information for her congregants. She is also active with Israeli Children—a grassroots movement that is fighting the deportation of minors who lack legal status.

Although Adriano and her nine-year-old son received permanent residency in 2006, and are safe from expulsion, she understands the fear plaguing the community now. “When they started deporting the first time [in 2002], I decided to go home,” Adriano, a single mother, recalls. “My pastor said ‘Pray and fast and see what the Holy Spirit will lead you to do.’ I decided not to go home. I felt there is something more I have to do here in Israel.”

Shortly after this epiphany, Adriano began to lead a bible study in her South Tel Aviv apartment. She gradually became more active and in 2007, she was ordained as a minister by a pastor visiting from the Philippines.

“I feel like I have freedom here [in the church],” Adriano says. She hopes that faith will bring the same feeling to those who seek her ministries.

Like Austria, Adriano counsels her congregants spiritually and emotionally around the clock. “Their problem is your problem,” she says. “As a minister, a pastor, you have to sacrifice yourself.”

Respecting the Rule of Law

dsc09116Zeek, April 20, 2010
The Huffington Post, April 20, 2010

The gag on the case of Anat Kamm, the former soldier who leaked classified military documents to Haaretz journalist Uri Blau, was lifted less than two weeks ago. Already the story is slipping from the radar. But the real issue at hand never got screen time.

Kamm’s story points towards it. So does Blau’s 2008 Haaretz article—which he wrote using documents provided by Kamm. The story detailed the 2007 assassinations of two Palestinian militants, killed by the IDF in the West Bank despite a 2006 Israeli Supreme Court ruling that outlawed such hits.

This is but one example of a state that consistently behaves as though its own Supreme Court doesn’t exist.

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How foreign workers feel on Yom Ha’atzmaut

dsc08876The Jerusalem Post, April 16, 2010

Do you know Yom Haatzmaut, Israel’s Independence Day? The young woman, a caregiver from the Philippines, smiles, laughs, and shakes her head in response.

“Ma?” (What?) says another.

But these two migrant laborers have been in Israel less than a year. An informal survey conducted at the Central Bus Station, South Tel Aviv’s Lewinsky Park, and at a Filipino basketball game found that the longer a foreign worker is here the more likely he is to celebrate Yom Haatzmaut. This writer also found that Filipinos, many of whom feel a special affinity for Jews because of Christianity, are fondest of the holiday.

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Tens of Thousands of Palestinians Subject to Deportation Under New Israeli Military Order

dsc08335The Huffington Post, April 11, 2010

Israeli human rights organizations say that a new Israeli military order, slated to take effect Tuesday morning, could lead to the deportation of tens of thousands Palestinian residents of the West Bank.

The order changes the definition of the term infiltrator, deeming anyone who lacks an Israeli-issued permit to be an infiltrator subject to automatic deportation or a lengthy jail sentence.

Haaretz reports: “The order’s language is both general and ambiguous, stipulating that the term infiltrator will also be applied to Palestinian residents of Jerusalem, citizens of countries with which Israel has friendly ties (such as the United States) and Israeli citizens, whether Arab or Jewish. All this depends on the judgment of Israel Defense Forces commanders in the field.”

The Israeli NGO HaMoked, Center for the Defense of the Individual, explains that the order is “worded so broadly” it can allow “the [Israeli] military to empty the West Bank of almost all its Palestinian inhabitants.”

A coalition of nine human rights organizations, including HaMoked, has issued an urgent call to Defense Minister Ehud Barak, requesting that he cancel the orders. In a letter addressed to Barak and other officials, the NGOs state: “Once the orders go into effect, every Palestinian in the West Bank may find him or herself in danger of being criminally prosecuted and deported or being deported without a process of appeal or review as required by law.”

The organizations stated that they believe the army will first target foreign nationals who live with their families in the West Bank and West Bank residents whose registered addresses are in the Gaza Strip — affecting tens of thousands.

The letter also reminds Barak that the new order comes after Israel’s almost decade-long freeze on issuing residency permits to those who live in the West Bank. “This is among the causes for the fact that many people are currently living in the West Bank without status,” the organizations write. “These are individuals who have been living in the West Bank for many years and have had families there, yet, the “freeze” policy has suddenly turned them into “illegal aliens” in their homes.

Speaking to Haaretz, the IDF spokesman’s office comments: “The amendments to the order on preventing infiltration, signed by GOC Central Command, were issued as part of a series of manifests, orders and appointments in Judea and Samaria, in Hebrew and Arabic as required, and will be posted in the offices of the Civil Administration and military courts’ defense attorneys in Judea and Samaria. The IDF is ready to implement the order, which is not intended to apply to Israelis, but to illegal sojourners in Judea and Samaria.”

In other words, settlers will be exempt from the order.

This was not lost on human rights organizations. In their letter to Barak, the NGOs say the order “will be another improper step toward creating demographic changes in the West Bank and entrenching a regime which discriminates between people on the basis of religion and nationality.”

The order also seems to be an attempt to further restrict Palestinian freedom of movement. Gazans suffer from an inability to access medical facilities outside the Strip, including those in the West Bank, are often unable to attend studies in the West Bank or abroad, and are prevented from visiting their families in the West Bank.

Despite the severity of the new instructions, HaMoked says, the IDF did not publicize their intent to issue them. That the army kept a tight lid on its plans means that there was no opportunity for public debate or judicial review. In the past, Israeli courts managed to keep the army in check by canceling other such orders.

*Photo: Mya Guarnieri. An empty street in occupied Hebron, West Bank

Reporter’s Notebook: Breaking the Gag

stei081213_medThe Huffington Post, April 6, 2010
Maan News Agency, April 6, 2010
Zeek, April 6, 2010

Somewhere in Europe, Sonya Mousa is breathing a sigh of relief.

Or so I’m guessing. I’ve never met or spoken with Sonya Mousa. But, last week when I was wrapping up my coverage of the Anat Kam case – the Israeli journalist under secret house arrest since December over allegedly leaked military documents – and thinking about using a pseudonym, this was the first name that came to mind.

Issues around the state-imposed censorship rules, and the fact that other journalists involved in the case were now living abroad in secret exile made me concerned about my safety.

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Israeli journalist under secret house arrest

601401The National, April 3, 2010

Anat Kam, 23, an Israeli journalist, goes on trial this month on charges of treason and espionage for leaking classified military documents to another Israeli journalist, who is now reportedly staying in London to avoid prosecution.

Ms Kam was detained in December and is under house arrest, but a gag order imposed by the military has meant there has been little news of her detention, at least not in Israel.

Prosecutors are allegedly seeking a 14-year sentence for Ms Kam, although because of the media blackout, there has been no comment from the government or the military on the case.

The gag is unusual in that it not only bans the Israeli media from reporting the details of Ms Kam’s arrest, but it also imposes a complete blackout on the fact that she has been detained.

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Israelis divided over settlements?

Al Jazeera English, March 27, 2010

In recent weeks, the relationship between Washington and Jerusalem grew tense as the US demanded an end to settlement growth and Israel refused. For Israelis the row was embarrassing, but it wasn’t a surprise. To a people sharply divided over settlements and their place in the peace process, the feud was a mirror of society’s inner conflicts.

Speaking on the condition of anonymity, a business owner tells Al-Jazeera that he was “attacked” by his wife, adult children, and other family members after expressing unconventional beliefs. “I wasn’t against the situation where [settlers] go and live on a hilltop,” he says, referring to illegal outposts, “just like I wasn’t against Palestinians who want to live here. I thought it was a good idea to have Israelis and Palestinians make one state…with the same rights [for Jews and Arabs].”

Due to the reactions of his loved ones, however, he is reconsidering.

If he aligns himself with the mainstream, he might find his thoughts similar to those of Noga Martin. A former journalist, Martin, 34, says that she hopes to see Palestinians form an independent state. As such, she says, “Illegal outposts have to go. They strike me as a completely unnecessary provocation that only throws fuel on the fire.”

“I have no personal hatred towards the settlers,” she adds, “except for the ones who act violently.”

During the annual olive harvest, settlers sometimes attack Palestinian farmers and set fire to their groves. In the West Bank’s Hebron, a Muslim-majority city with a small Jewish presence, tensions flare on a regular basis—with settlers throwing stones, garbage, wine, and bottles of urine at Palestinians. “They seem to be doing anything possible to fan the flames,” Martin comments.

But there are sites of quiet provocation like Gilo, Pisgaat Zeev, and Givaat Zeev. All lie beyond the Green Line, the border drawn at the end of the 1948 Arab-Israeli War. In Palestinian eyes these Jewish communities are a land grab. Jewish Israelis simply consider Gilo and Pisgaat Zeev neighborhoods of Jerusalem. And Givaat Zeev, further out in the West Bank, is a suburb they say.

While Martin acknowledges that these areas are past the Green Line, she says, “No one would call Gilo or Pisgat Zeev a settlement, including me.”

Martin maintains that she doesn’t support settlements. But if she accepts some, where does she draw the line? “It’s tough to say. Look, Gilo isn’t going anywhere, neither is Pisgat Zeev neither is Givaat Zeev. And even the larger settlement blocks beyond the Green Line [such as] Ariel. Let’s be realistic here. You can talk about what should happen and you can talk about what’s going to happen. Ariel is simply not going anywhere.”

Martin’s attitude is typical of Jewish Israelis, according to Dr. Neve Gordon, author of the book Israel’s Occupation. “I think the settlements in many respects have been normalized,” Dr. Gordon comments. “The discussion is no longer about settlements but outposts. Even Peace Now [a left-wing Israeli NGO that monitors and opposes settlement growth] is more concerned about counting outposts than settlements.”

Because this normalization, or resignation, is so widespread amongst adults, Dr. Gordon says, most Israeli youth cannot differentiate between a so-called “neighborhood” of Jerusalem, like Gilo, and a Jewish community lodged in the throat of the West Bank, like Ariel. And when none of these places “register as something illegal,” Dr. Gordon explains, it creates de facto support. “Once they’re no longer considered settlements—that’s it. The work has been done.”

Dr. Gordon is troubled by other trends. He points to a recent poll conducted by the Israeli research institution Maagar Mochot, published in the Israeli daily Yediot Ahronot. The study found that 81 percent of high school age religious students and 36 percent of their secular counterparts would refuse army orders to evacuate West Bank settlements and outposts. “That’s an amazing figure,” Dr. Gordon remarks.

But Dr. Tamar Hermann, senior research fellow at a non-partisan think tank, the Israel Democracy Institute, is slightly encouraged by a survey she concluded late last week. A poll of Jewish Israeli adults found, Dr. Hermann says, “People are not that supportive of the settlement project… the population is split, we don’t have a consensus.”

Amongst other questions, Dr. Herman says, “We asked if we had a [peace] agreement [with the Palestinians], and the conflict was terminated, under this would you be willing to evacuate all settlements? 42 percent said yes, 48 said no… I would have expected the number of those who said yes to be much lower.” The gap between the two groups, she adds, is statistically insignificant. This suggests that Israeli society is evenly divided on the issue and could tip either way.

The data was surprising, Dr. Hermann says. “A month ago, before we ran the survey, we would have thought 25 to 30 percent [would say yes].”

And there was another unexpected result—a plurality of 49 percent supports the idea of Israel offering compensation to settlers who choose to relocate within the Green Line. “[This number] is higher than we used to have,” Dr. Hermann observes.

Is the tide turning? Perhaps.

“It’s speculation, but I think that the ongoing discussion between the United States and the Israeli government that the settlements are an impediment [to the peace process] are starting to infiltrate into the Israeli psyche,” says Dr. Hermann.

While Dr. Uriel Abulof, an assistant professor in Tel Aviv University’s Department of Political Science, agrees that Israeli public opinion is changing, he sees the tide turning for the worst. “In the mind of many [Jewish Israelis] world opinion is increasingly challenging the notion of a Jewish state.”

Jewish Israelis, Dr. Abulof explains, point to the chain of events that followed the 2005 disengagement from Gaza. Following the military withdrawal and the eviction of over 8000 settlers from the Strip, Israel continued to find itself under rocket fire from Hamas, a political organization that has questioned the Jewish state’s right to exist.

And Operation Cast Lead, widely considered an act of self-defense by Jewish Israelis, was met with international outrage—with the criticism falling most heavily on the Jewish state.

“[This] led to the conclusion that, perhaps, [the international community] is seeking more than the relinquishing of the occupation, but the relinquishing of the Jewish state,” Dr. Abulof says. “And then [Jewish Israelis] fall back to the siege mentality: The world is against us. If the world is against us then all we can do is simply to be as strong and resilient as possible.”

While this doesn’t lead directly to the settlement growth, Dr. Abulof says, this existential fear is likely to cement Israeli forces in the West Bank.

And many observers remark that the mere presence of the IDF emboldens settlers.

Seth Freedman, co-author of the forthcoming book 40 Years in the Wilderness, an intensive look at the settlers, comments, “On a practical level, you’ve got people defending you and it makes you feel legitimate.”

Those in large settlements just east of the Green Line, like Gilo and Pisgat Zeev, feel the tacit support of the Israeli public; those deeper in the West Bank feel buoyed by the army, Freedman says. “When we visited the outposts,” he recalls, “they said, ‘On the one hand, the government calls us illegal, on the other hand, they provide us the tools to keep doing it.”

As Israel feels increasingly embattled, Freedman says, “The settlers feel stronger.”

40 years on, Black Hebrews struggle to find acceptance in Israel

dsc090601The National, March 27, 2010

In 1984 Dov Shilansky, then Speaker of the Israeli Knesset, called the African Hebrew Israelites “worse than the PLO.” Referring to their small village in the desert town of Dimona, Shilansky issued an ominous warning, “[I]n a very short time, the Black Hebrews won’t be here anymore.”

Two years later, Israeli Defense Forces surrounded the unarmed community of peace-loving vegans.

“We’ve never had weapons and that day [the soldiers] were armed to the hilt,” Ahmadiel Ben Yehuda says. “There were sharp shooters all around us.” Frightened for their lives but determined to stay in Israel, the group of African-American immigrants decided to march to Jerusalem, nearly 100 kilometers away.

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Is the Two-State Solution Dead?

flag1The Huffington Post, March 23, 2010
Zeek, March 23, 2010

A drive east of the Green Line suggests the two-state solution is moot. Jewish-only roads slice through the hills. The separation barrier winds through the West Bank, choking Palestinian villages. Settlements are lodged in the land’s throat.

Dr. Neve Gordon, author of the book Israel’s Occupation comments, “The one-state solution is already on the ground, in the sense that close to half a million Israeli Jews currently live in the area occupied by the [Israeli] army. They’re enmeshed within the Palestinian population.”

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