Israeli army attempts to end protest in Bilin

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The National, March 20, 2010

Despite renewed threats of arrest and violence, more than 100 Palestinian and Israelis made the weekly march from a mosque in the West Bank village of Bil’in to the security barrier where they squared off with the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF). A handful of Palestinian youth, who covered their faces with keffiyahs and t-shirts, hurled rocks at the heavily-armed soldiers. The otherwise peaceful protest was dispersed with tear gas and stun grenades.

The absence of internationals was noted by many of the demonstrators.

On Monday, activists received the news that soldiers had posted Hebrew-language army orders during a raid conducted in the early hours of the morning. The documents declared portions of Bil’in and Nilin, another village with a resilient grassroots movement, closed military zones on Fridays between the hours of 8 AM to 8 PM.

Speaking to The National, the IDF further explained, “The Bil’in order concerns the area between the fence and the village.”

Israelis who enter the area during this time risk arrest; internationals risk deportation. As the weekly non-violent protest against the separation barrier begins shortly after the Friday noon prayer and is conducted in the area specified, the order, effective until mid-August, seems a clear attempt to stifle the voice of dissent.

But Tal Shapira, a 26-year-old painter, was enraged by the attack on her freedom and undeterred by the orders. The IDF’s latest move, she said, serves as motivation to Israeli activists like herself to show their unwavering support for the Palestinians, “[The IDF] did us a huge favor.”

Shapira first attended a protest a little over a year ago, during Operation Cast Lead. Since then, she has been arrested at two demonstrations—once on the Gaza border and once in the East Jerusalem neighborhood of Sheikh Jarrah. On Friday, she was unconcerned about the possibility of being detained. “It’s important to show that we’re not backing down,” she remarked. “They’re not going to scare us from coming here and expressing our rights.”

Sonya Soloviov, 27, said that last winter’s assault on Gaza was a turning point for her and many others. “It woke a lot of people up. On the other hand it made a lot of people move to the right. If you see the way that the government started to talk after that and the way that the police and the army act after that, you definitely see a change. I used to go to demonstrations in Tel Aviv and there were 20 policemen watching over 100 protesters. Now there are 20 protesters and 100 policemen.”

Soloviov, a student, admits that when she first heard of the army’s orders, she was frightened and hesitant to come to Bilin. But that feeling quickly passed. Of being detained she says, “If it happens, it happens.”

Her attitude is reflective of many of Bil’in’s demonstrators, who believe that arrest is an eventuality and that “offering ourselves up,” as Shapira puts it, is an act of civil disobedience.

Both women pointed to Israel’s recent row with the United States over the growth of illegal settlements, Netanyahu’s recent decision to list Hebron’s Tomb of the Patriarchs as a Jewish heritage site, and crackdowns on protests as evidence that the political climate is rapidly deteriorating

Bilin has been a flashpoint for the Arab-Israeli conflict for over five years, since the demonstrations against the separation barrier began in January 2005. Palestinians say that the wall, which does not run the 1967 border but is carved deeper into the West Bank, is an attempt to annex their land and severs them from their olive groves and other agricultural holdings. The Israelis claim that the separation barrier is a necessary security measure to guard the country against suicide bombers.

But in 2007, the Israeli Supreme Court sided with the Palestinians and demanded that the government move the wall. “We were not convinced that it is necessary for security-military reasons to retain the current route that passes on Bilin’s lands,” Dorit Beinisch, President of the Supreme Court, stated in the decision.

The weekly protest has seen scores of injuries, some serious, and one death. In August 2006, Israeli activist and attorney Limor Goldstein took two rubber-coated bullets to the head. Shot at close range after the demonstration dispersed, Goldstein survived but sustained permanent brain damage. Palestinian protestor Basem Abu Rahmah died in April 2009, after being shot in the chest with a tear gas canister.

Abdullah Abu Rahmah, chairman of the Bilin Popular Committee against the Wall, has been imprisoned since December 2009 when he was charged with arms possession for displaying empty tear gas canisters and used rubber-coated bullets—which were shot at Bilin protestors by the IDF. In a recent letter addressed to his supporters, written from the Ofer Military Detention Camp, Abu Rahmah said, “…our struggle is far bigger than justice for only Bil’in or even Palestine. We are engaged in an international fight against oppression.”

Reflecting on his detainment, Abu Rahmah continued, “I think that if this is the price we must pay for our freedom, then it is worth it, and we would be willing to pay much more.”

It appears that some Israelis and Palestinians agree.

Reporter’s Notebook: To Risk Arrest in the West Bank?

prison-barsThe Huffington Post, March 17, 2010

Monday morning, I received an email with the subject line “A Strange Night Raid in Bil’in.” An enclosed link led to video footage that I would call more chilling than strange. Israeli soldiers stalk through the West Bank village, taping Hebrew documents to shuttered storefronts. The village is black, silent. The soldiers don’t speak; we hear the low rumble of the army jeeps, the hiss of tape being stripped away from the roll, the click of a camera as the IDF records its work.

The papers, it turns out, are orders declaring both Bil’in and Na’alin closed military zones on Fridays, between the hours of 8 AM to 8 PM, until mid-August. Israelis who enter the village during this time risk arrest; internationals risk deportation. As the weekly non-violent protest against the separation barrier begins shortly following Friday afternoon prayers, the message is clear–resistance, of any kind, is not welcome.

As a citizen of Israel who has attended the demonstration on numerous occasions, I was offended by the army’s attempts to censure Palestinian, Israeli, and international voices of dissent. As a journalist, I felt that I was watching an extremely important clip. Yes, the army and police have been cracking down on organizers and activists for some time now. But this seemed to be an even sharper turn, a veer towards an ever darker road.

As I wrote a pitch, titled “This is very serious,” to my editor, I thought: What if I get arrested? Thrown into administrative detention? Or, as an American passport holder, might I be subject to deportation?

This is exactly what they want, I replied to myself. They want people to get scared and stay away. As a citizen, I have a duty to stand up. As a journalist, it’s more important to be there now than ever.

I hit send.

I got the green light from my editor. Today, she emailed me to make sure we’re on for Friday. I stared at the words on my screen. And then, I did something I have never done before an editor: I faltered.

I explained my hesitations. She thanked me for my honesty and said that she completely understood. It was nice to receive her support, but I remained uncomfortable–with myself.

I believe journalists have to be brave. Journalists have to be strong. Journalists have to be willing to stand up and tell the stories of others even if they put themselves at risk–whether by location or opinion. I have done both in the past. What would I do now?

It’s Wednesday night now and I still don’t have an answer. I told my editor I had to sleep on it. This afternoon, I spoke to contacts with intimate knowledge of the situation in the West Bank, as well as some friends and family. The answer has come back the same, all around: things are bad right now in Israel. The government is going crazy, defying its oldest and strongest ally. A journalist–an editor of a major news agency–has been deported. Racist bills are snaking through the Knesset.

This is serious, they agree, and that’s why you have to stay away. You’re too small, as a citizen. As a journalist, you’re better off staying at home Friday and writing an op-ed than getting locked up.

I’m not so sure.

Rachel Corrie’s parents: She didn’t expect to die that day

corrie-familyThe National, March 13, 2010

Cindy and Craig Corrie, the parents of the American activist who was crushed to death by an Israeli army bulldozer in 2003, reflect on their daughter’s last moments. Rachel stood, using her body as a shield to guard the home of the Palestinian family she’d lived with for two months in the Gaza Strip. The soldier, driving a 64-ton armored Caterpillar, pressed forward.

“[Rachel] knew that those children were behind that wall, she knew that both those families were in that house,” Mrs. Corrie says. “Knowing that they were back there was she supposed to step aside and let the bulldozer go?

“She slept on the floor of the parents’ bedroom with these children. They couldn’t sleep in their own bedroom because of the shooting from the Israeli military into the house at night. These are human beings and Rachel grew to know and love them… I couldn’t have asked her to do anything less than what she did.”

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On the Eve of Passover, Israel has Forgotten it is a Jewish State

A refugee from Darfur celebrates Pesach in 2008. His shirt reads Shoah, Darfur, Genocide
A refugee from Darfur celebrates Pesach in 2008. His shirt reads Shoah, Darfur, Genocide

The Huffington Post, March 10, 2010
Zeek, March 10, 2010

Pesach is right around the corner. And while Israel will go through the motions of the holiday, it won’t reach the spirit of Passover. Why?

Israel has lost its moral compass.

I’m not talking about Gaza, the Occupation, or 1948, although the expulsion of the Palestinians is where Israel’s steps first foundered. With Pesach in mind, I’m talking about how Israel is treating the strangers in its land.

The Oz Unit, an arm of the immigration police, is on the streets now cracking down on illegal residents and those that employ them. The campaign, part of Israel’s ongoing attempt to rid the country of non-Jewish foreigners, has been given the revolting name “Clean and Tidy”, evoking images not of law enforcement but of ethnic cleansing.

Speaking to The Jerusalem Post, Oded Feller, an attorney with the Association of Civil Rights in Israel remarked, “The state authorities are of course entitled to enforce the law; what we oppose is the disgraceful language that accompanies these sorts of operations. Human beings are not dirt.”

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Israeli Defense Ministry goes on trial for Corrie death

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Maan News Agency, March 9, 2010

Tomorrow the Israeli Defense Ministry will go on trial as a court hears the case against it, filed by the family of an American woman who was killed by Israeli Defense Forces in March of 2003.

The civil suit charges the Defense Ministry with responsibility for the death of Rachel Corrie, a 23-year-old activist who was crushed to death by an army-manned bulldozer as she protested a home demolition in the Gaza Strip.

Hussein Abu Hussein, the attorney who filed the petition on behalf of Corrie’s parents, comments, “We claim that her assassination was intentional.” Or, at the very least, he says, the army is guilty of “huge negligence.”

Abu Hussein cites the state’s acknowledgment of the fact that Corrie and other members of the International Solidarity Movement—a Palestinian-led peace organization that advocates non-violent means of resistance to the Israeli occupation—were demonstrating in the area for several hours before Corrie was struck by the bulldozer. He also points out that Corrie was wearing a fluorescent orange vest to increase her visibility.

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New community center opens amidst tensions

dsc08808The Jerusalem Post (print edition), March 5, 2010

On Tuesday night, Africans, Israelis, and internationals marked the opening of a new South Tel Aviv community center with a Purim party, attended by the children of asylum seekers and kids from the neighborhood. Decorations, candy, and other sweets were donated by Hilit Insurance Agency, which specializes in offering its services to the foreign communities in Israel. Volunteers and employees of Mesila Aid and Information Center for the Foreign Community joined the festivities, painting the kids’ faces. The children were also amused with music and balloon animals, amongst other activities and performances.

In many ways, it seemed like the typical children’s Purim party. A rainbow of balloons dotted the walls and sugar-fueled kids dashed about, including more than one crown-wearing princess. A girl costumed as a ladybug buzzed by. A volunteer dabbed color on a little boy’s face, transforming him into a cat. Several girls looked on, chatting with each other and the volunteer in fluent Hebrew.

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Not illegal enough

03march08-002The Jerusalem Post, February 19, 2010

Like many Israeli students her age, Criselle, 16, is planning to travel with her class to Poland. Her journey isn’t without obstacle, however. Criselle, the daughter of Filipino workers, might be unable to re-enter Israel when she returns because she is without legal status.

Criselle is part of the approximately 1200 children of illegal migrants who face possible deportation at the end of the school year. But she is a unique case amongst them—Criselle is one of 30 children who, in the past, weren’t illegal enough.

In summer of 2006, when the Israeli government decided to grant permanent residence to some of the children of foreign workers and asylum seekers, Criselle’s parents rushed to apply. Criselle met all the criteria. She was raised here. She was above the cut-off age of four years and nine months. And, having attended Israeli schools all of her life, she was assimilated and acculturated.

But there was a catch.

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Democracy starts in the Occupied Territories

naomichazan1Maan News Agency, February 20, 2010

The Huffington Post, February 21, 2010

Zeek, February 23, 2010

Not long after I’d stood on a sidewalk in East Jerusalem and felt a swell of hope at the Sheikh Jarrah protest, the Im Tirtzu storm hit.

In late January, Im Tirtzu, an extreme right-wing nationalist group that describes itself as a” centrist extra-parliamentary movement,” ran an advertisement attacking the New Israel Fund (NIF) and its president, Naomi Chazan. NIF, a left-leaning organization that states it is “committed to democratic change within Israel” as well as social justice and equality, bankrolls many of the NGOs that have spoken out against the atrocities committed by Israel during Operation Cast Lead.

In Im Tirtzu’s ad, Chazan was monstrously depicted with a rhinoceros horn bearing the acronym “NIF” strapped to her head. The caption incorrectly blamed Chazan and the NIF for the UN fact finding mission that resulted in the Goldstone Report– omitting the fact that the UN committee was established not in response to the NIF, but in response to Operation Cast Lead which, in the UN’s words, “caused grave violations of the human rights of the Palestinian civilians” of Gaza.

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Pulled into history

dsc04167The National, February 20, 2010

If the layout of Nazareth’s old city seems to defy human logic, that’s because it does – when men laid the first roads here during Roman times, they traced donkey paths. The Fauzi Azar Inn is tucked deep in this labyrinth of slivered streets, and although the resulting jumble is confusing, finding the inn is easy. Just follow the English signs.

I still manage to get lost, however, walking through the shuk [souq]. Dizzied by colourful scarves hanging above, distracted by the array of costume jewellery, enticed by the smell of cardamom-spiked coffee, I forget about directions. I navigate by following my senses. But my nose fails me and, disorientated, I stop at a small store. An elderly Arab man – thin, bald and white-moustached – stands in the doorway. I nod hello and, in Hebrew, ask for directions to Fauzi. “Do you speak Arabic?” he responds, in heavily accented English. I tell him I don’t. He wags a finger at me. “Then speak English. You are in Nazareth!” He walks away, leaving me alone and embarrassed at the store’s entrance. I take heart in the fact that tension is nothing new here.

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Poems after Auschwitz

showimageashxThe Jerusalem Post, February 12, 2010

In 2003, Newsweek ran an article titled “Poetry is Dead. Does Anybody Really Care?” Its author, Bruce Wexler, writes “It’s difficult to imagine a world without movies, plays, novels, and music but a world without poems doesn’t have to be imagined.” Why? According to Wexler, the “art form is dead.”

Wexler doesn’t wag his finger at poetry, rather he points towards society. In the 70s and 80s, he writes, American culture “became intensely prosaic.” “By the 90s,” he continues, “it was all over.” According to Wexler, impatience, lack of knowledge, and sheer laziness all contributed to the poetry’s demise.

And in autumn of 2009, the magazine apparently checked poetry’s pulse and found it still enough for Wexler’s article to be resurrected for the website.

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